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Chapter 22: AMERINDIAN POLICIES

DRAFT October 15, 1996



I. Basic Features of the Sector
A. Geographical Distribution
B. Socioeconomic Conditions

II. Past Evolution and Current Policies of the Sector
A. Past Evolution of Policies
B. Current Policies Towards Amerindians

III. Description of the Principal Issues and Constraints Facing the Sector
A. Issues
B. Constraints Affecting the Development of Amerindians

IV. Sectoral Objectives
A. General Objectives
B. Specific Objectives

V. Alternative Policies for Achieving Stated Objectives
A. Amerindian Representation
B. National Security
C. Amerindian Lands
D. Hereditary Rights
E. Intellectual Property Rights and Cultural Heritage

VI. Policy Recommendations and Their Technical Justifications
A. General Policy Recommendations
B. Specific Recommendations

VII. Recommended Legislative Changes
A. The General Issues
B. The Specific Issues

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I. Basic Features of the Sector

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A. Geographical Distribution


About one hundred and fifty years ago, the different Amerindian peoples tended to be located in specific natural environments across Guyana. Many factors altered the traditional settlement patterns: the process of Amerindian migration to Christian mission stations beginning in the 1840s; recent movements towards where there might be a school, shop or health centre; the impact of diseases; the transformation on the coastal plain following European settlement and plantation agriculture; the impact of investment in the interior and so on.

The best estimates of the Amerindian population and their status in society are found in two major surveys conducted in 1993 by the Statistical Bureau with funding from the United Nations Development Programme -- the Household Income and Expenditure Survey (HIES) and the Living Standards Measurement Survey (LSMS).

Guyana has a race-based geography, with the non-Amerindian majority concentrated on the narrow coastal plain which makes up about 5 per cent of the total land area. Amerindians are estimated to number 48,859 persons, comprising 6.81 per cent of the national population of 717,458 persons. They rank as the fourth largest ethnic group, after East Indians (49.49 per cent), Africans (35.63 per cent) and Mixed Guyanese (7.05 per cent). Amerindians comprise most of the population in the remote interior of Regions 1, 8, and 9 and a significant percentage (one-third) of Region 7.

According to the HIES, the "bulk of the Amerindians live in Regions 1, 2, 7, 8 and 9. Region 1 and 9 have 28.80 per cent and 24.95 per cent respectively of the Amerindian population, followed by Regions 2, 7 and 8 with 11.72 per cent, 9.45 per cent and 8.63 per cent respectively" (p. 97). Once having been the majority in the area comprising Region 7, the Cuyuni-Mazaruni District, Amerindian numbers are now reduced to close to one-third in this gold and diamond-bearing heartland. This is mostly due to invasion from coastland areas and emigration by Amerindians.

Amerindian peoples in Guyana were traditionally separated from each other by natural environments and by their use of distinct languages. This pattern still holds true, except for coastal Amerindian settlements in Region 1 where Arawaks, Waraus and Caribs are often found in the same village. Following are the estimated numbers of Guyana's Amerindian peoples and the general ecosystem occupied:

Table 22-1

Distribution of Amerindian Population

Name of People Number Ecosystem Occupied
Arawaks (or Lokonos as they call themselves) and mixed Arawaks 15,500 White sand plateau near the coast and in the middle river basins below the falls.
Warau 5,000 Coastal swamps in the North West Region or Region 1.
Caribs or Karinya 3,000 Coastal river heads and coastal lowland forests.
Akawaio 5,000 Lowland and upland forests of Region 7.
Patamona 5,000 South of the Akawaios, on the upland savannah.
Arekuna 562 The village of Paruima on the Kamarang River of the Upper Mazaruni District.
Makushi 7,750 North of the Kanuku mountain range in the Rupununi region.
Wapishana 6,900 South of the Kanuku mountain range in the Rupununi region.
Waiwai 200 Lowland forested area in the upper Essequibo region. They are the most southern people.

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B. Socioeconomic Conditions


While the Amerindian population is important in regional demographic terms, it is neither homogenous nor organized effectively as a lobby. This is a distinct disadvantage due to the rapid development of resource extractive industries and the strength of the mining and forestry lobbies in the national economy.

The 1993 Household Income and Expenditure Survey surveyed 18,429 Amerindians in all the regions of Guyana - a representative rather than a comprehensive survey. Nevertheless, it provides the best current information on socioeconomic conditions among Amerindians. For example, its data establish that the average indigenous household is composed of 5.5 persons in comparison with the national average of 4.28 persons. This trend was also noted in the 1987 census - GUYREDEM - which found that Amerindian birth rates were the highest of all ethnic groups. It shows a universal phenomenon: that birth rates are highest among the poorest strata of society, where children are the only form of life insurance and where women have few options to limit childbearing.

External influences on Amerindians are contributing to the changing dynamics of village life, where the younger people often measure status by the possession of consumer goods, and the gradual de-emphasizing of subsistence agriculture. One example is the effect of mining, which has transformed social relationships in many indigenous communities, with the placement of a monetary value on goods or services. This new insistence on payment puts the old and the young at risk, who lack the necessary means. All Amerindian communities have suffered doubly from the impact of higher food prices and increased transportation costs into the interior.

The increasing contacts with national and international NGOs have been concomitant with this expansion of the domestic economy into the national system. Inevitably, some traditional mature male leaders have found themselves inadvertently sidelined as NGOs seek to work with non-traditional members of 'civil society' -- women or the literate younger generation, for example. These traditional leaders, who have often had little formal schooling, have felt displaced by their womenfolk or by younger community members more versed in dealing with the majority society. In practice these new tensions are often expressed in a generalized distrust of all community members who emerge as non-traditional leaders or potential project carriers. However, the increasing prominence given to gender and related issues has created new openings for the involvement of women and youths in development and training projects.

Villages are increasingly moving away from traditional life style patterns. Wage earning, post-primary education and NGO activities are moving these societies beyond sustenance lifestyles into new social formations, which are resulting in stresses and strains that can cause disruption within the fabric of village life.

The HIES of 1993 suggests that 75 percent of the Amerindians surveyed (13,828 out of a total of 18,429) are in the self-employed category, concentrated in traditional subsistence activities such as agriculture, hunting and forestry. Smaller numbers --fewer than 500 in total-- are self-employed in fishing, mining, quarrying, and manufacturing.

In spite of rapid changes in many areas of the interior, most of Amerindians continue to operate outside the cash economy and are still dependent on a subsistence way of life. The HIES concluded that "The most striking feature is that for all the three major ethnic groups, viz. East Indians, Negro/Black and Mixed, the average monthly household consumption expenditure is of the same order of G$22,000. For the Amerindians, it is only $15,302 which is explained by the fact that their consumption is mostly from home-grown or produced goods, and their housing expenditure is minimal."

The staple diet of the Amerindians consists of cassava, which supplies carbohydrates. Protein generally comes from fish or meat, which are either hunted or bought from the most successful fishermen or hunters. Sometimes these protein sources have to be bought from interior shops owned by coastlanders. Both sources of protein have also come under threat. In the case of fish, the use of heavy duty hydraulic earthmoving equipment on or near riverbanks by the mining industry increases water turbidity, which in turn adversely affects the spawning grounds of many fish species. The use of chemicals such as cyanide and mercury is also poisonous to fish life. In the case of birds and animals, many traditional habitats have been disturbed by foresters.

Access to potable water is nonexistent in the majority of Amerindian communities. The traditional source of pure water from creeks and rivers has increasingly come under threat of pollution due to the rapid growth of resource extractive industries in the interior beginning from the early 1980s.

In comparison with the other ethnic groups, a larger proportion of Amerindians are classified as poor in the most recent census data available. Approximately 85 per cent of the Amerindian population falls below the poverty line(1) (Dr. C.Y. Thomas, IDB Report, 1994). According to the 1993 HIES there are only 2,981 Amerindians above the age of 55 years, which suggests an overall poor state of health.

Given their comparatively small numbers, reversing the poverty status of Amerindians seems a manageable task. In fact, however, Amerindian/hinterland poverty is a complex mix of issues, given the dispersed settlement pattern, the difficult terrain, the high cost of administering of interior projects, the lack of human resources skills both in the Amerindian and in the wider population, the lack of an effective lobby.

Of the Amerindians surveyed by the Household Income and Expenditure Survey of 1993, 689 males and 884 females claimed to be illiterate. Close to one-half of that number (315 males and 317 females) were between 5 and 9 years old. Only 0.1 percent of the interior population has received post-secondary education. The urgent need for upgrading basic skills among the adult population has been identified at every recent forum of indigenous representatives - skills training to prepare Amerindians to manage the resource base in their villages as well as to take fuller advantage of job openings within the developing economy in the Guyana interior.

A less easily definable aspect of the problem results from the markedly egalitarian ethos that defines Amerindian social organization that is now being transformed in several ways. Until very recently, most Amerindian communities were essentially lacking in hierarchical distinctions. Few villagers worked outside the communities and those who did generally earned modest wages in timber grants or in other manual jobs. However, beginning in the early 1980s, the expansion of the gold and diamond mining industries attracted many Amerindian males. Some who worked on their own struck gold while others who hired out their labour to medium or large scale mining operations were able to earn considerable amounts of cash in relatively short periods. Mining fever extended beyond the mineral-rich areas to attract Amerindian males from all parts of Guyana. The scale of Amerindian involvement in mining is a contributory factor to the changing dynamics of village life where the younger people often measure status by the possession of consumer goods and the gradual de-emphasizing of subsistence agriculture.

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II. Past Evolution and Current Policies of the Sector

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A. Past Evolution of Policies


As a result of treaties between Spain, Portugal and other colonial countries in the past, Amerindians enjoy certain entitlements linked to their status of first inhabitants of the Latin American countries. Amerindians are free to cross the borders between the different ex-colonies in South-America. The colonial authorities divided the South American territory quite arbitrarily, not respecting the cultural homogeneity of parts of the territory. Consequently, colonial boundaries suddenly ran through areas that were, in terms of human/tribal occupation, homogenous. Several Amerindian tribes found themselves suddenly divided into Guyanese and Brazilian Macushi or Guyanese and Venezuelan Warau, etc. The social and familial consequences were partially corrected by allowing Amerindians to pass the borders freely. In Guyana, Amerindians use this entitlement very often to visit family in Venezuela, Brazil or Suriname.

During colonization, both the Dutch and the English treated and traded with various Amerindian groups in Guyana, and recognized the political and social organization of these peoples. Amerindians were never enslaved nor suffered any disability under the law in respect to the acquisition and disposition of property. During Guyana's history there has been a series of laws that have safeguarded Amerindian titles to land. These are:

During the British period, Amerindians were quite aware of their rights to own land and were suspicious of any encroachments and regulations regarding the land. In the 1820s, for instance, the Amerindians objected to their land being leased and asked for a guarantee of their right to occupancy of the soil of their ancestors. Although that this last element could also suggest that Amerindians recognized British authority over their lands, the administration's actions were entirely consistent with the continuance of an Amerindian sui generis interest in the land. Annex C of the Independence Agreement called for the formal legal recognition of freedoms and permissions that Amerindians, by tradition or custom, enjoy over lands in a de facto sense.

In sum, the laws and regulations that continue to exist in Guyana right now suggest that the Government of Guyana has never explicitly extinguished Amerindian aboriginal title at Common Law. The laws of Guyana include provisions that preserve the special place Amerindians take in Guyanese society as first inhabitants of Guyana. Accordingly, Amerindian aboriginal title continues as a legitimate Amerindian interest in land. This is also the main conclusion of the document prepared by the Canadian Lawyers Association for International Human Rights in 1994 for the APA. However, it still has not been decided to what extent this entitles Amerindians, from a legal and historic point of view, to collective land titles in freehold.

There are cases of British Common Law Jurisprudence using the existence of aboriginal lex loci to grant aboriginals usufructuary rights over lands that otherwise would revert to the Crown under the principle of Res Nullius (Dana v. Hanaii). However, the lex loci and its respective ethnic group were brought under the National Sovereignty of the British Crown. The British Crown recognized the diversity of its subjects, and consequently recognized lex loci and aboriginal customary rights.

Under the original article 8 and the present article 142 of the Guyanese Constitution, no interest in or right over property of any description may be compulsorily acquired without compensation being provided according to a scheme prescribed by law. Aboriginal title is an interest in or right over property, and thus may not be expropriated without compensation. Compensation should be paid in those cases where lex loci, or a customary right over a certain resource or good, exists. Compensation and royalties should not be confused; they are separate matters. The compensation to use a resource under customary rights is also different from compensation over environmental damages and socio-cultural impacts.

The status of agreements between colony and colonial power, however, may be binding as the Vienna Convention on Succession of States in respect of Treaties points out. This convention stipulates that the principle "Pacta Sunt Servanda" should be honoured. For the Newly Independent States, the principle is that of automatic continuity of treaties to the extent in which it does not conflict with the principle of self-determination of colonial peoples and nations (Szafarz, 1983, p. 121). The NIS are obliged to take over territorial treaties, but have a free choice in relation to others (Oliver M. Ribbelinck, 1988, p. 43). The Vienna Convention was accepted in 1978, and is applicable to cases of State succession originating before the Convention's ratification.

These considerations are applied in subsequent section of this chapter that define policies regarding participation of Amerindians in natural resource concessions on their land.

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B. Current Policies Towards Amerindians


1. Amerindian Representation

The integration of the Amerindian culture into the mainstream of Guyanese society is a concept that has received much attention, and there has been a Babylonic confusion of tongues about the concept itself. For this National Development Strategy it is taken to mean equal opportunity in education, self-determination and enhanced economic opportunities. The Advisory Committee on Amerindian Affairs supports this vision of participation and consultation in the development process. Dialogue and shared responsibilities and action should increase the level of self-actualisation among the non-Amerindian and Amerindian groups that constitute the Guyanese nation.

Guyana is a young state, and the population consists of many races. The making of the Nation-State is not an easy process, and recently, we have observed that it is not the summit in the institutional development process of government and countries, but that, once achieved, the fabric of the nation-state can weaken. In this decade of ethnic conflict, we must say that the classic nation-state model is changing. Federalism, and other forms of co-gestation and decentralisation are emerging in various parts of the world.

With the inauguration of a new Government in October 1992, a Minister of Amerindian Affairs was appointed, and 10 Amerindian Members of Parliament were elected out of a total of 65 members in the National Assembly. In percentage terms, this indicates that although Amerindians comprise 6 per cent of the population, they hold 16 per cent of the seats in the National Assembly. Although democratically well represented, the Amerindian MPs are divided along party-affiliation. Political agendas do not always pay the necessary attention to ongoing structural marginalisation of the Amerindian population.

Two years ago, a fourteen-member Parliamentary Select Committee was constituted to study and make recommendations for the revision of the Amerindian Act. The Minister of Amerindian Affairs has publicly stated that Captains and Councillors of all Amerindian communities will be asked to make recommendations on changes to the Act. There is general agreement that the voice of the Amerindians is being given more attention at the national level.

As for donor-agency assistance to Amerindian communities, the UNDP country office has been coordinating sectoral meetings on poverty alleviation, integrated community development, and Amerindian Affairs. Several consultations have taken place, organized by NGOs and international agencies under the auspices of the Government of Guyana, and they have resulted in descriptive and analytical reports on the situation of Amerindians in the country. Also the formation of an Amerindian umbrella-organization, called the National Amerindian Council, is a result of this exercise. The NAC brings representatives of the centrally-based Amerindian NGOs (APA, TAAMOG, GOIP) and regionally-based Amerindian organizations (AHA, Rupununi Weavers, R2CC, SCIPA, etc.) together. The NAC still does not have a secretariat, nor a satisfactory budget to improve its performance.

While the law enjoins Regional Officers to oversee and protect the rights of indigenous communities, in practice not only are the links between these levels weak, but Regional Officials have generally supported the activities of non-Amerindian outsiders over the interests of indigenous peoples who live in resource-rich areas. This is perpetuated by the poor communication links between the most interior areas and the capital, and by the access to power, resources, and effective lobbies enjoyed by these special interest groups.

Elected Captains and Village Councils govern Amerindian communities. Elections are supposed to be held every two years, supervised by Officers in the Regional system. In theory, these elected village officials should have powers that their counterparts in the local government structure in non-Amerindian areas have; however, in practice those powers are lacking. Most Amerindian councils lack even a village office, and in fact, record keeping - of meetings, village finances, royalty payments, law enforcement, etc. - is lacking. Only the Captain receives a small stipend from the Government; all Councillors serve gratis. Most of Amerindian leaders have identified the need for leadership and other training as a priority for their development.

2. Aid Activity

Since the institution of structural adjustment policies in 1991 for Guyana, several non-governmental and international organizations have focussed on projects in Amerindian areas, most notably, the Social Impact Amelioration Programme (SIMAP) and Futures Fund (through a Guyanese/Canadian Fertiliser Project). Futures Fund has executed more than fifty projects in Amerindian communities in the last four years. In cooperation with Futures Fund, the Inter-American Institute for Cooperation in Agriculture (IICA) is carrying out an agroforestry/agriculture development programme for nine Amerindian communities in Region Two.

The Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) estimates that 90 percent of its aid to Guyanese hinterland (indigenous) communities is directed at people living in extreme poverty. CIDA is also co-funding a national oral health survey that is also targeting indigenous dental status. In 1994 UNICEF, in collaboration with the Governmental of Guyana, launched a five-year Amazon Programme. This programme focuses on the amelioration of living conditions of indigenous communities through an integrative and participatory process with the communities involved. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is also involved in several projects in individual Amerindian communities. Its Partners in Development Programme fund have supported the Rupununi Weavers Society in Region 9. The UNDP also funded the February 1995 consultation on "Indigenous Peoples and National Development" and is the lead agency for donor coordination in the sector.

Worthwhile as all this activity is, in practice it has been marred by the tensions it has generated within small communities - a SIMAP faction, versus a Futures Fund faction, and so on. There have been allegations of a lack of understanding of village dynamics and a lack of donor coordination in operational terms. Clearly, stronger coordination efforts are needed on the part of donors.

Some Amerindian village leaders have reached contractual arrangements with loggers and sawmillers to exploit timber on Amerindian reservations. Amerindians have gained little from this trade; more often than not, very unequal exchanges have principally benefitted outsiders. Yet there is a threshold of poverty below which the poor - in this case, Amerindians - become disproportionately destructive, either by directly destroying resources that could nurture them for years or indirectly by giving outsiders access to resources under indigenous control. While Amerindian land title does not extend to the rivers that pass through a reservation, Amerindians have historical right to fish in all areas controlled by the State and termed State Lands.

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III. Description of the Principal Issues and Constraints Facing the Sector

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A. Issues


1. Land

a. The Amerindian Lands Commission Report

This report, published in June 1969, identified 128 Amerindian communities in the country. Requests for land titles were made by 116 of them. Although the other twelve communities did not request land titles, the commission recommended them for the granting of titles. The commission had recommended that land titles be vested in Local Authorities and that individual land titles be given to residents of 8 communities. Conditional grant was recommended for one community, reservation status was recommended for two communities, while full titles were granted to 62 communities under the Amerindian Act. Titles for very scattered communities were to be known as Districts and two were recommended under this head. At the time, 12 villages in the Upper Mazaruni District were not granted title because of their involvement in a proposed hydroelectric scheme. However, those communities received land title in 1991. Outstanding issues that remain to this day are:

  • Inadequate land grants in terms of areas covered.

    1. Thomas, C. 1994 Socio-Economic Reform in Guyana: Poverty, A Report to the Inter-American Development Bank.

    2. See Amerindian Act, Cap. 29:01, Article 3, 2) State Lands (Amerindian) Regulations, Cap. 62:01, Articles 5, 6, 7, etc.

    3. According to Articles 2 and 3 of Cap. 62:01, State Lands (Amerindian Regulations), half-castes forfeit all the privileges as Amerindians. A gender-related observation is that according to article 2 and 3, Amerindian women who marry a non-Amerindian man, also loose their rights. The content of these articles could create an issue based on gender-equity. In Canada, similar provisions were made in the Indian Act. Educated Amerindians or half-castes lost their Indian rights. Bill-21 corrected this situation after serious criticism and debate was brought up by women's groups.

    4. The preamble of the Amerindian Lands Commission Act, Cap.59:03 states that "Whereas the Government of Guyana has decided that the Amerindians should be granted legal ownership or rights of occupancy over areas and reservations or parts thereof where any tribe or community of Amerindians is now ordinarily resident or settled and other legal rights, such as rights of passage. In respect of any other lands where they own by tradition of custom, they de facto enjoy freedoms and permissions corresponding to rights of that nature."

    5. This village has received individual titles for its members.

    6. In addition, the regional governments need to play a more active role in project implementation and monitoring. Individual micro projects stand more of a chance of success if supported by macro planning at a higher level in the economy.

    7. Particularly in the Berbice and Pomeroon Rivers in the Regions 1 and 7 requests had been made for grants of individual title to extended family homesteads (Source: Report on UNDP Consultation, 1995, page 6).

    8. The precedent for such buffer zones had in fact been set out in the Amerindian Act which stipulated 10-mile buffer zones between the Guyana border and Amerindian communities like Karasabai and Paruima.


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