[Notes by Editor in the text are indicated by double asterisks (**)]

GENERAL CONTENTS

Preface

Part 1 - The Report of the Commission of Inquiry

Part II - The PPP Memorandum to the Commission of Inquiry

Part III - Comments on the Wynn Parry Report

PREFACE

In Guyana during February 1962, opposition political parties and the Trades Union Council (TUC) mounted street demonstrations against the Budget introduced by the People's Progressive Party (P.P.P.) Government led by Dr. Cheddi Jagan. These culminated in riots, arson and looting on Friday,16 February. At that time Guyana (then known as British Guiana) was still a colony of Great Britain. Subsequently, on the request of the Government of Guyana, a Commission of Inquiry was appointed by the British Government to investigate the causes of the disturbances.

The February 1962 disturbances were part of a series of politically inspired activities which continued in 1963 and 1964 aimed at destabilising the PPP Government which was labelled as being "communist". This was during the period of the Cold War and US anti-communist trade unions and other organisations were overtly and covertly involved in providing financial and propaganda assistance to the TUC and the opposition political parties. The United States Government itself was deeply involved in the effort to replace the PPP Government, and at the highest level, it encouraged the British Government to change the electoral system which eventually in 1964 resulted in what it wanted. The declassified documents of the State Department on British Guiana released in 1995 provides interesting reading in this respect.

The Report by the Commission is reproduced in full in the first part of this publication. In the second part, two related documents are reproduced. These are the memorandum of the P.P.P. which was presented to the Commission; and a review of the findings of the Commission, which was originally published in Thunder, the weekly newspaper of the PPP, on 6 October 1962.

PART I

REPORT of a Commission of Inquiry into Disturbances in British Guiana in February 1962

London
Her Majesty's Stationery Office

COLONIAL 354

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

Chapter I
GENERAL CONDITIONS
Geographical Features - Natural Resources and Communications - Population

Chapter II
RECENT POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS
Financial Difficulties - Measures Adopted - Opposition to the Budget Proposals

Chapter III
ECONOMIC DISCONTENT
Civil Servants - Other Government Servants - Trade Employees and Factory Workers

Chapter IV
THE DISTURBANCES
Opposition Manoeuvres: People's National Congress - Opposition Manoeuvres: United Force

Chapter V
SUMMING UP

Chapter VI  
OTHER MATTERS RELATING TO THE DISTURBANCES
Declaration of General Strike - Houston By-election - Part taken by the Police - Arms in the Attorney-General's House

Chapter VII
CONCLUSIONS AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

* * *

Appendix I Text of Warrant appointing the Commission

Appendix II Rules of Procedure

Appendix III List of Witnesses Examined

Appendix IV List of Exhibits

Appendix V Extracts from speeches, etc., by Dr. Jagan and Members of the P.P.P. showing Communist leanings…

Appendix VI Extracts from local press containing anti-Government Propaganda …

Appendix VII The Budget …

Appendix VIII Chronological record of events leading up to the disturbances …

Appendix IX Brief notes on Persons who figured in the Inquiry …

Appendix X Statement on troop movements …

Appendix XI Statement of Casualties and damage sustained; claims made on insurance companies; and tear gas used ...

INTRODUCTION

To the Right Honourable DUNCAN SANDYS, P.C., M.P. Secretary of State for the Colonies.

Sir,

The appointment of this Commission was made under a Warrant signed and issued by your predecessor on May 11th, l962, in pursuance of the provisions contained in Section 2 of The British Guiana( Commissions of Inquiry) Order in Council 1962.(*) The Warrant set out the terms of reference as follows:

"For the purpose of inquiring into the recent disturbances in British Guiana and the events leading up to them and to report thereon." [* S.I. 1962 No. 632]

2. The members of the Commission held their first meeting in London on May 7th, 1962, at which some preliminary matters were discussed and certain details of procedure settled. On May 11th, all three members of the Commission met your predecessor and received the warrant of appointment. On the same day a second meeting of the Commission was held and some further matters of procedure were discussed and specified. Mr. D. A. Skinner was formally appointed Administrative Secretary of the Commission, and a direction was given that appropriate steps be taken in British Guiana to publicise the warrant relating to the appointment of the Commission and to invite oral or written statements and other evidence concerning the subject matter of our inquiry. The Commission learnt that Mr. Kenneth Potter would act as Counsel to the Commission during the course of the inquiry, and assist us in the matter of calling witnesses, marshalling the evidence produced and presenting the relevant facts and circumstances before us.

3. All three members of the Commission left London by air on May 17th, 1962, and reached Georgetown on the evening of the following day. Mr. Skinner, the Administrative Secretary, and Mr. Potter were already in British Guiana, having arrived there a day or two earlier and entered upon their respective duties.

4. May 18th, the day of our arrival was a Friday, and Monday the 21st May had been fixed for our first sitting. We had therefore two days in which to recover from the fatigue of the extremely long and tiring journey, to review the material which had been made available to us in London and to pay a visit to the premises where the Commission was to sit and hold the inquiry. This visit, it may be mentioned in passing, was very necessary as certain minor but essential changes had to be made upon a careful inspection of the premises and the arrangements made by the official in charge. We would like to commend the manner in which the entire matter of the accommodation of the Commission and its staff and for the members of the public was handled. We particularly mention the public as the hearing of the inquiry was for the most part public and our arrival had evinced a great deal of interest among the people of British Guiana who seemed to think that the entire future of the country depended upon our deliberations, and for all the open sessions every available seat in the body of the hall was occupied.

5. On May 21st, 1962 the Commissions held its first session. After some brief preliminaries the members of the Commission were conducted to view the various places where damage to and destruction of property had been caused during the course of the disturbances of February 16th, 1962. On May 22nd, the hearing of the evidence began and the sittings continued till June 28th.

6. At the very outset the Commissions was informed that a number of political parties, and Insurance Company, and the Mayor and Town Council of Georgetown were interested in the inquiry and wished therefore to put in appearance through Counsel. The Government was represented by the Attorney-General and, as already observed, Mr. Kenneth Potter appeared as Counsel for the Commission. There was also the question of procedure regarding the manner in which evidence was to be produced, witnesses examined, cross-examined and re-examined. Upon all these matters complete unanimity was achieved and it was agreed that the Governor of British Guiana, four political parties, the Mayor and Town Council of Georgetown and the Hand in Hand Mutual Fire Insurance Company, would be deemed interested parties and allowed to put in appearance through Counsel. It was also agreed that in the matter of calling the evidence the following rules would be observed:

(1) All witnesses' statements and documents shall be submitted to Counsel for the Commission who shall adduce what he considers material.

(2) Any person or his representative may apply to the Commission if not satisfied with the decision of Counsel for the Commission not to present to the Commission the evidence offered by that person.

(3) After examination by Counsel for the Commission, Counsel representing the witness shall be allowed to examine the witness and so shall representatives of interested parties as satisfy the Commission that they have an interest in examining the particular witness.

(4) Counsel for the Commission shall re examine the witnesses after other examinations by representatives of interested parties.

7. These rules governed the procedure at the public sessions. Towards the end of the enquiry, it was found necessary to investigate a matter the discussion of which in public was considered both unnecessary and inadvisable, because the evidence bearing upon it related to intimate constitutional relations between the Head of State and the Council of Ministers. The issue involved was whether the assistance of the army to deal with the disturbances was sought and made available at the appropriate moment. Under the constitution internal law and order is the exclusive concern of the Government, i.e., the Premier and his Council of Ministers, whereas the unit of the British Army stationed in British Guiana could only be called upon to support the civil power on the authority of the Governor. The details of the discussions which took place between the Ministers and the Governor were in our view of a nature which ought not to be made the subject matter of public comment so soon after the event, thought to the future historian they might be of considerable interest. We were therefore disposed to accept the submission made by our Counsel, Mr. Potter, in this respect:

"It is, in my submission, not in the public interest in this, or in any other country where parliamentary and ministerial government exists, that affairs of state should be publicly investigated a matter of months after the event. The actions of governments are publicly known and may be criticised or defended, but the deliberations of Ministers and their deliberations with a constitutional Head of State and differences of opinion which may or may not have occurred are not a fit subject for public debate, but only for the researches of the historian long after the event. It is so established by wise tradition and sound practice in all countries enjoying parliamentary institutions and, in my submission, it must be so, for otherwise, Ministers and Heads of State would be fatally handicapped in the exercise of their functions if their every word and thought could be made the subject of public trial within months of the event."

8. We accordingly excluded the public from two sittings at which the Governor of British Guiana, the former Minister for Home Affairs and three other witnesses were examined in camera. The rules of procedure relating to these private sessions are set out in Appendix II.

9. It is convenient here to refer to a circumstance which, though it concerned a mere matter of procedure, was in the light of subsequent events, germane to the issue raised before us. The first witness to be called was Mr. Weber, the Commission of Police, British Guiana, and he immediately craved leave to make a personal submission. On being allowed to do so, he complained that he and, indeed, the entire Police Force suffered from the serious handicap of not being represented at the Inquiry. He apprehended that his conduct and the conduct of his subordinates in dealing with the disturbances would be subject to criticism by some of the parties who had been conceded the right of appearance before us. Anticipating this state of affairs he had made a prayer to the government department concerned for the appropriate relief, following the precedent of the 1948 inquiry into the Enmore Riots when Mr. Cabral, K.C., was engaged to represent the Police. His prayer, however, had not been granted on the present occasion. In the course of Mr. Weber's examination it became quite clear to us that is apprehensions were amply justified, for his manner of handling the situation which arose on February 16th was subjected, it might almost be said, to hostile questioning. Even before Mr. Weber's examination was concluded we felt the compelling necessity of giving expression to our misgivings that the if the Police were to remain unrepresented and without legal assistance we might have presented before us only a partial picture of the part played by its personnel, and of the reasons which impelled it to play that part. That being so, we might on the basis of an incomplete picture be persuaded to comment adversely and perhaps unjustly upon the conduct of the Police, an eventuality which should, according to all canons of natural justice, be avoided. We therefore deemed it just and proper to make the following statement at the commencement of the resumption of the hearing upon the following day:

"We are gravely concerned at the circumstances that the Police as a body are not legally represented in this case. It is already apparent to us, after only one day's hearing that the Police are and are to be subject to attack. It may well be right that this should be so. On this aspect of the matter we make no comment.

What concerns us as a matter of natural justice is that despite representations of the Commissioner of Police, no provision for the Police to be legally represented has been made. In our view, as a matter of principle, this is wrong and the attitude of the Government becomes all the more strange when the precedent of 1947 cited by the Commissioner is borne in mind when a King's Counsel was briefed to represent the Police. We as a Commission have no power to order that the provision for the legal representation of the Police should be made. If we had that power, we should exercise it. It follows that if, event at this late hour, no such provision is made, we may well think it necessary to make this omission the subject of adverse comment in our report."

10. We are happy to record that Mr. Persram was briefed to watch the interest of the Police and he continued to appear before us throughout the subsequent proceedings.

11. At later stages of the inquiry prayers were made for permission to put in appearance on behalf of the Georgetown Chamber of Commerce, the Electricity Corporation and the British Guiana Trades Union Council. These prayers were granted and the final appearances were as follows:C

Dr. Fenton Ramsahoye, Attorney General, instructed by Mr David Singh, for the Government.
Mr. Forbes Burnham, Q.C., with Mr. John Carter, Mr. Neville Bissember, Mr. C. J. B. Harris, instructed by Mr. C. M. Llewellyn John for the People's National Congress.
Mr. Ashton Chase, with Mr. Miles Fitzpatrick and Mr. Derek Jagan, instructed by Mr. Sase Narine, for the People's Progressive Party.
Mr. Gilbert Farnum, for the United Force.
Mr. Jai Narine Singh, with Mr. E. A. Triumph, for the National Democratic Party.
Mr. Desmond Hoyte, instructed by Mr. Vivian Dias, for the Georgetown Town Council.
Mr. J. A. King, for the Hand-in-Hand Mutual Fire Insurance Company, Limited.
Mr. Walter Persram, Legal Adviser for the Police.
Mr. Lionel Luckhoo, Q.C., associated with Mr. E. V. Luckhoo, and instructed by Miss Ena Luckhoo, for the Georgetown Chamber of Commerce.
Mr. Hubert Jack, for the Electricity Corporation.
Mr. J. I. Ramphal, associated with Mr. R. H. Luckhoo, instructed by Mr. Dabi Dyal, for the Trades Union Congress.

12. 147 witnesses in all were examined by the Commission. Of these, 142 made their statements at the public sessions and 5 were examined at the two private sessions. In addition to the oral evidence laid before us, a vast quantity of other relevant material in the form of statements, statistics, newspaper cuttings, transcripts of broadcasts and speeches was produced all this was carefully examined.

13. The members of the Commission travelled back to England and had detailed discussions on July 9th and subsequent dates, when all matters arising out of the inquiry were brought under review.

14. The Report is now complete and we, Sir, submit it for your consideration.

CHAPTER I

GENERAL CONDITIONS

15. We begin by giving a few broad facts about British Guiana and outlining the social, political and economic background against which the events of February 1962 must be viewed in order fully to appreciate their nature and import

Geographical Features

16. The most significant feature of British Guiana is a small population comprised of several ethnic groups striving to maintain itself upon the insufficient resources of a large undeveloped, or at any rate greatly underdeveloped, country. The size of British Guiana (83,000 square miles) is a little bigger than that of Great Britain, but its total population is only a little more than half a million (590,140 on December 31st, 1961).

17. There are three distinct geographical divisions in the country:

(i) A narrow coastal belt, most of which lies below the high tide level of the sea and is protected by a costly system of sea defences and canals.

(ii) Dense forest lands which cover nearly four fifths of the entire country. These have, for the most part, the appearance and characteristics of a primeval, impenetrable jungle, offering resistance to intrusion by man.

(iii) The Savannas, lying behind the North Eastern coastal belt and beyond the forest lands.

There are three main rivers, the Essequibo, the Berbice and the Demerara, which are navigable for a few miles only in their lower reaches, as further progress of water craft is impeded by frequent rapids.

18. It is in the narrow coastal belt that most of the population is concentrated. Georgetown and New Amsterdam, the only two towns in the country, are also situated in this region. The land for the most part lies below the high tide level, and the traveller who has the hardihood to motor over the bumpy, unmetalled road to Skeldon, the farthermost habitation on the northern coast, will see large areas of land completely covered by water in which stand houses resting on wooden or concrete stilts. These present a dismal though strangely picturesque appearance. The soil of this region is alluvial and, therefore, rich. Most of the agriculture is undertaken in this belt, the main crops being sugar cane and rice. The cane crop feeds a number of sugar factories and is also responsible for the allied industry of rum, which is very popular commodity in the country, particularly among the labourers and working class people. The quality of rice produced is not very good, but the labours of the present Government have resulted in finding a ready market for almost all the grain produced. The planning efforts of the Government to develop agriculture further are confined to the coastal belt, though it must be borne in mind that the fight against the forces of nature is somewhat unequal, as was admirably pointed out in Rodway's History of British Guiana:

"Every acre at present under cultivation has been the scene of a struggle with the sea in front and the flood behind. As a result of this arduous labour through two centuries a narrow strip of land along the coast has been rescued from the mangrove swamp by an elaborate system of dams and dykes. Centred along the rivers and creeks lie a thousand abandoned plantations most of them indistinguishable from the surrounding forest; these represent the failures of the early settlers. At first sight the narrow line of sugar estates seems but a poor showing for such a long struggle with nature, but when all the circumstances are taken into consideration, it is almost a wonder that the Colony has not been abandoned altogether."

19. The cost of maintaining the sea defences and drainage works is very considerable, amounting approximately to ten per cent of the total revenues of the State.

Natural Resources and Communications

20. The forest lands are almost entirely uninhabited. There are bauxite mines which are being exploited by a Canadian and an American firm. Gold and diamonds are also recovered but these make a very negligible contribution to the wealth and economy of the country, and no great attempt is being made at present to extend the efforts to recover these two commodities. There is some hope of finding oil in the country and a team of Russian oil experts was recently called in by the Government to make a preliminary reconnaissance of the possibilities of finding oil.

21. The Savannahs are not productive of any wealth, and as far as we know no serious attempt has yet been made to explore the possibility of agriculture or any other industry in the region.

22. The means of communication in the country are extremely inadequate. There are two single-track railway lines, one along the northern coast belt running for a distance of sixty miles and the other along the west coast of the Demerara River, which is only eighteen miles long. There is only one good motor road, which connects the Atkinson airfield with the capital town of Georgetown, while the other roads are for the most part long and exhausting sequences of potholes, surfaced with burnt earth. The interior of the country is approached by amphibian six-seaters and aeroplanes for which a number of landing strips have been constructed. The amphibians use natural lakes and rivers.

23.The natural resources of British Guiana, therefore, produce very little wealth. It is clear, even to a casual visitor, that a great deal of money and human effort are needed before the land can be persuaded to yield whatever riches lie buried in its bosom. It is thus with a feeling of sad disillusionment that one reads George Chapman's verses on Guiana:

"Guiana, whose rich feete are mines of golde,
Whose forehead knockes against the roofe of starres,
Stands on her tip toes at faire England looking,
Kissing her hand, bowing her mightie breast,
And every signe of all submission making,
Tobe her sister and the daughter both
Of our most sacred maide . . . ."

There seems very little doubt that the poet's eye was roving in a fine frenzy rather than observing with the accuracy of a camera lens.

Population

24. The two largest ethnic groups of the population of British Guiana are the East Indians and Africans. At the end of 1961 the East Indians formed 49 per cent of the total population and Africans 32.7 per cent. The East Indians it may be mentioned are the descendants of the indentured labour originally imported from India to work on the sugar cane farms. More than a quarter of a million of them were brought over between 1844 and 1914, and of these 65,000 were repatriated to India, while the rest remained to make a permanent home for themselves in British Guiana. The Africans are the descendants of the slaves who were brought by European settlers to work on the land and were later emancipated. They and their descendants adopted British Guiana as their homeland. In addition to these two ethnic groups, there are some Chinese, Portuguese and Amerindians, who are the descendants of the original Red Indian residents. As is inevitable in a country of several races, there is a substantial element of what is now known as "mixed population"'. The East Indians are for the most part agriculturalists and, therefore, residents of villages. They work on the sugar cane and rice farms. The Africans, for the most part, are factory workers and, therefore, town dwellers. Thus we find that according to tire Census of 1946 the Africans comprised 53.6 per cent of the population of Georgetown and East Indians numbered only 15.5 per cent. it would appear that a similar state of affairs also obtains in New Amsterdam. The Portuguese are mostly town dwellers and are employed in commerce, and almost all the Chinese and Europeans live in the towns. The Amerindians are to be found in the Savannahs.

25. The initial aloofness of the Indians, springing, perhaps, from a nostalgic attachment to their native land, is no longer observable and the present generation of East Indians have not only accepted British Guiana as the country which they inhabit and to which they owe allegiance, but they have without qualification or reservation identified themselves with every aspect of its life. Their inherent habits of hard work and thrift have enabled many of them to rise above the humble status of manual workers and enter the professions of law, medicine, commerce, and the civil service.

26. The Indians now take a prominent part in the social and political life of the country. There are several able lawyers. including more than one Queen's Counsel, and a number of highly qualified doctors. Dr. Jagan, the Premier and several of the Ministers in his Cabinet are East Indians.

27. With regard to the political affiliations of the various ethnic groups, although there is no sharply defined classification, the Indians, for the most part, support the People s Progressive Party, of which Dr. Jagan, the present Premier, is the leader. The Africans support, for the most part, the People's National Congress, which was inaugurated comparatively recently. Mr. Burnham, a local barrister, is the leader of this party. Until a few years ago he was a colleague and supporter of Dr. Jagan. The Portuguese, for the most part, support the party known as the United Force, of which Mr. D'Aguiar, and important businessman of Georgetown is the leader. It is difficult to escape the hypothesis that considerations of race are to some extent responsible for political affiliations and loyalties, although it must be stated that many East Indians support Mr. Burnham's party and many Africans owe allegiance to Dr. Jagan's party. The various political parties are of recent birth and, being still in the formative period, the convictions and loyalties of their members are somewhat superficial and personal.

28. We found little evidence of any racial segregation in the social life of the country and in Georgetown, East Indians and Africans seemed to mix and associate with one another on terms of the greatest cordiality, though it was clear that the recent disturbances and the racial twist given to them by some of the unprincipled and self seeking politicians had introduced slight, but it is hoped, transient over-tones of doubt and reserve. Among the inhabitants of Georgetown there is, of course, always present the danger that hostile and anti racial sentiments may be aroused by a clash of the hopes and ambitions of rival politicians. We draw attention to this possibility because there have been indications of such friction in the past, although, as will appear in the course of this report, the disturbances of February 16th did not originate in a racial conflict, nor did they develop into a trial of strength between the East Indians and the Africans.

CHAPTER II

RECENT POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS

29. The political history of British Guiana and a narrative of the constitutional development of the country are fully and admirably set out in the Report of the Constitution Commission 1950-51, presided over by Sir E. J. Waddington,* and we need only refer to a few recent events are relevant to the subject matter and purpose of the present inquiry. [* Colonial No. 280]

30. The emergence of political consciousness in British Guiana dates from 1947, when in the post war period the colonial territories elsewhere were invested with a substantial measure of self-government, and it was not unnatural for the British Guianese to hope for a share of the responsibility and fruition of government power. Dr. Jagan entered the field of politics at this time, with all the enthusiasm of a young man of 29, freshly returned from America where he had qualified as a dentist. While there he had married Janet Rosenburg, an American citizen of Czech extraction who was believed to be a confirmed communist. A few years later he formed the People's Progressive Party, popularly known as P.P.P. The party professed a leftist ideology, and to make as extensive an appeal as possible, it declared its aims to be self government for the country and raising the standard of living of the common people. Dr. Jagan sought the support of all racial groups, and in this respect he was largely successful. One of his staunch supporters, at that time, was Mr. Burnham, a Guianese of African extraction, who is now the leader of the largest party in opposition, known as the People's National Congress. Universal adult suffrage was one of the demands made by the P.P.P.. and the Waddington Commission recognised the justness of this claim. While dealing with this matter the Commission observed:

"Since the report of the Royal West India Commission was presented, universal adult suffrage has been in the minds of the majority of the population of the British Caribbean territories and it has indeed been introduced into many. In British Guiana, therefore, where the standards off intelligence and of articulation are in no way below those obtaining in these other territories, an indefinite deferment of its introduction would cause dissatisfaction and the arguments which could justify its being now withheld must be cogent and based upon conditions which are not to be found elsewhere."

and summed up their conclusions as follows:

"We therefore recognised the introduction in British Guiana of universal adult suffrage at the age of 21 years for all persons who are not subject to the customary disabilities of civic or mental incapacity."

31.This recommendation was accepted, and the general election of April, 1953, took place on the basis of a universal adult suffrage. There was, at that time, a bi cameral legislature consisting of:

(a) a house of Assembly composed of 24 elected representatives and 3 ex officio members;

(b) a State Council composed of 9 members of whom 6 were appointed by the Governor in his discretion, 2 on the recommendation of the Ministers elected from the House of Assembly and 1 appointed after consultation with the independent and minority party members of the House of Assembly.

There was an Executive Council in which were vested all the essential powers under the Constitution. This Council consisted of the Governor as President, with a casting vote only, the 3 ex officio members of the House of Assembly, 6 Ministers chosen by ballot from among the elected members of the House of Assembly and a member of the State Council.

32. The P.P.P obtained a clear majority in the House of Assembly, and, owing to the peculiar composition of the Executive Council, Dr. Jagan and his council of ministers were able to dominate the proceedings and decide every issue as they wished. This is how the Robertson Commission of 1954* described the situation:

"In executive matters such decisions were final and the enactment of any legislative measure decided upon in Council could be checked finally only by the interposition of the Governor's veto after passage through both houses. Thus, unless the Governor used the powers reserved to him, the Ministers were in control of the effective policy making body and were virtually the Government. Under the Constitution Ministers could be removed from the Executive Council only by resolution of the Council itself upon the proposal of the Governor, or by resolution of the House of Assembly supported by at least two thirds of the members. The elected Ministers were, therefore, in an impregnable position so long as party solidarity continued." [* Cmd. 9274]

33.A series of events which are set out in detail in the Report of the Robertson Commission necessitated the suspension of the Constitution on October 9th, 1953, and an interim Government wholly composed of ex officio and nominated members was formed. This continued until 1957, when elections were again held under the new Constitution which by an Order in Council of December, 1956 provided for:

(a) " Legislative Council consisting of 14 elected and 11 nominated members (instead of 24 elected as previously) and 3 ex officio members (as before);"

(b) an Executive Council consisting of 3 ex officio members and 7 elected members of the Legislative council nominated by the Governor.

It was originally hoped that by reducing the strength of elected members in the Legislative Council the risk of mischievous and irresponsible trends becoming too assertive or assuming dangerous proportions would be minimised. In fact, after the elections the Governor announced that he would nominate only 6 members to the Legislative Council and 5 to the Executive Council, all of whom would be elected members. The effect was therefore to place the elected members in an overall majority in both Councils. There had, in the meantime, been a split in the P.P.P. and Mr. Burnham, who had been Dr. Jagan's colleague and supporter since the inception of the party, separated from him in 1955, and formed his own party. He was content in the beginning to let his party carry the old designation of P.P.P. though later this name was altered to People's National Congress or P.N.C. as it is commonly referred to.

34. In the election held in 1957, Dr. Jagan's party secured 9 of the 14 elective seats, so that again it was the largest political party in the Legislature, though owing to the constitutional changes introduced by the above mentioned Order in Council of December, 1956, the party was no longer in a position effectively to carry out its programme. A constitutional conference was held in London in 1960, and it was agreed that a new constitution should be introduced in August 1961, giving British Guiana full internal self-government. The British Guiana (Constitution) Order in Council, 1961, was accordingly issued. The broad features of the new constitution promulgated under this Order and which are now in force are a bi-cameral Legislature, and almost complete autonomy in internal affairs. The two chambers are styled respectively, the Senate and the Legislative Assembly. The Legislative Assembly consists of 35 elected members, the Senate or the Upper House consists of 13 Senators of whom 8 are appointed by the Governor in accordance with the advice of the Premier and 3 are Aappointed by the Governor acting after consultation with such persons as, in his discretion, he considers can speak for the political points of view of groups represented in the Legislative Assembly by members constituting the minority in the Assembly A, and the remaining 2 are appointed by the Governor acting in his discretion. The executive power effectively vests in the Council of Ministers consisting of a Premier and not more than 9 other Ministers.

35. The Order in Council provided that Athe Council of Ministers shall have the general direction and control of the government of British Guiana and shall be collectively responsible therefore to the Legislature".

36. Elections under the new Constitution were held in August, 1961, and Dr. Jagan's party won 20 out of the 35 seats. The P.N.C. led by Mr. Burnham won 11 and the United Force, a new party inaugurated in November 1960, and led by Mr. D'Aguiar, a prominent businessman of Georgetown, won 4. There can be no doubt at all that Dr. Jagan looked upon the result of the election as incontrovertible proof of his personal triumph and a complete approval of his policies by the electorate. He had, however, not forgotten the events of 1953 when the Government of the United Kingdom had suspended the constitution because it was feared that the party in power in British Guiana was pursuing a course which would lead to a dangerous crisis both in public order and in the economic field by the wholesale imposition of Marxist ideology on the affairs of the country. He, therefore, proceeded cautiously, limiting his activity to the seeking of foreign aid for his country's development plans. He was fully cognisant of the economic needs of British Guiana and of the inadequacy of his country s internal resources to meet them. The situation which faced him was somewhat as follows.

Financial Difficulties

37. In 1956 an International Labour Office survey had revealed that 18 per cent of the labour force in the country was unemployed and 9 per cent was under employed. A remarkable and not unnatural feature was that of the unemployed 41 per cent lived in urban areas. A development plan costing $91 million had been prepared, but this was not considered sufficient to meet all the needs of the country; so in the summer of 1958, Dr. Jagan had suggested increasing the figure of $91 million to $200 million. He began to make attempts to secure the necessary funds from foreign countries. He approached a Swiss hank and obtained an offer of a loan of 6 million [pounds] sterling, provided the British Government were prepared to guarantee the loan. Unfortunately, the British Government declined to entertain the suggestion as it was against their policy to guarantee such loans for Colonial governments. Dr. Jagan was advised to go to Washington and make an application to the World Bank. To avoid delay he drafted an application while he was still in London and sent it to Washington. He made another application the same year to the United States Government for a loan from what is called the Development Loan Fund. The object of this loan was irrigation and road projects. Dr. Jagan discussed the matter with officials of the State Department in Washington, but he was told that the machinery for advancing this loan "had not yet got into full gear".

38. Towards the end of 1958 Mr. John Adler, an economist from the World Bank, visited British Guiana. In his report he approved of the steps Dr.. Jagan was proposing to take for developing his country and said, "It is clear to me that the top priorities have been correctly selected. There is no question in my mind that the provision of more agricultural land through drainage and irrigation and the improvement and expansion of the transportation system, particularly through better and more roads, deserve top billing."

39. Early in 1959, United States Government officials visited British Guiana and held further discussions about the economy of the country. In the summer of 1959 the United Kingdom Government approved of a five-year plan of the order of $110 million for 1960-64 on the advice of Mr. Berrill, a Cambridge economist, who had visited British Guiana early in 1959. Mr. Berrill's opinion was that, though the suggested plan of somewhat modest proportions could scarcely meet all the needs of the country, a bigger project necessitating the expenditure of a higher order would impose too heavy a burden upon the finances of the country and stultify itself. The United Kingdom Government also conceded that a more ambitious plan was no doubt needed, but was not practicable because:

(a) the Government of the United Kingdom had other commitments, and

(b) a bigger loan would become too onerous when the time for repayment came.

Dr. Jagan enquired whether a lower rate of interest to make the transaction less onerous was permissible, but was informed, he told us, that an Act of the British Parliament had fixed the rate at 6 per cent per annum, leaving no discretion in the matter to the executive authority. We are assured, however, that in this respect Dr. Jagan must have been under a misapprehension. The British Government's view was in fact that a lower rate of interest was not practicable because it would simply involve the United Kingdom Exchequer in a greater burden and would in effect be the same as increasing the amount of the grant. In any case, what was done for British Guiana would have to he done for the other territories for which Her Majesty s Government was responsible, and this could not be accepted. In the summer of 1959 there were further talks with the World Bank in the United States of America and a loan of about U.S.$6 to U.S.$8 million was mentioned for road construction. The amount, however, was not advanced. Dr. Jagan requested the United States Government for the supply of food commodities such as grain, wheat flour, stock feeds, etc., on a credit basis. But this, too, was not agreed to "because", according to Dr. Jagan, Athe Government officials expressed a point of view which was called "additionality, that is, that they would only give you grains or whatever surpluses of food you required based on any additional amount which you are importing." In other words, any assistance given would have to be over and above the existing volume of imports. Dr. Jagan next sounded the Export and Import Bank for aid to equip a flour mill and a feed mill. The response was not encouraging. The answer given was that congressional interests and United States flour millers were likely to be critical of such assistance. He hoped that some economic assistance might be forthcoming for a drainage and irrigation project which he had under contemplation, but in this matter too his hopes were not realised. In 1959, the Federal Republic of Germany was also approached and there were also discussions in Italy. No substantial results followed these discussions, and all that Dr. Jagan was able to obtain was a loan of $2.25 million which was approved by the World Bank in 1961. This amount, however, was restricted to credit in the private sector in the fields of agricultural, fishery and forestry development. In 1961, Dr. Jagan and the Minister of Trade and Industry visited Canada and the United States of America, while the Minister of National Resources visited Germany, Italy and France in search of economic aid.

40. The internal resources of the country were extremely small and wholly inadequate to meet the increasing needs of the development programmes. Foreign aid, as is obvious from the distressing narrative given above, was not forthcoming. The growing suspicion that Dr. Jagan's failure to arouse international sympathy was due to his communist leanings, made the commercial classes of British Guiana apprehensive of the country's future and of their own prospects. They began to look elsewhere for opportunities to set up and expand their businesses. Thus, a flight of capital from British Guiana started. At first, this was gradual, but soon more and more financiers were transferring their money and assets to other countries. Dr. Jagan, in the course of his statement before us, could not give the exact figure of the assets which were removed from the country. He was himself not in British Guiana at the time, but he was informed that the flight of capital was substantial, and his Government was faced with the prospect of a country depleted of its present resources and unable either to replenish its losses or to restore its economy by external aid.

Measures adopted

41. So, in December, 1961, the Government introduced stringent currency restrictions, prohibiting the export of liquid assets from the country. British Guiana forms part of the sterling area and is also a member of the Eastern Caribbean Currency Board. The currency is therefore a regional one and up to December, 1961, the holders of Eastern Caribbean dollars in British Guiana could only change them into foreign currencies in accordance with the exchange control regulations then in force in the Colony. The new regulations suspended their convertibility into sterling. Financial restrictions have been imposed and do indeed exist in many other countries, and have come to be accepted as a necessary feature of the present day complexity of international economics. Nevertheless, the action of Dr. Jagan's Government in suspending convertibility into sterling without, it may be added, prior consultation with the Eastern Caribbean Currency Board, gave rise to considerable alarm and resentment.

42. In addition to these difficulties, the Finance Minister was faced with the immediate need for $15 million for certain extraordinary expenses and to meet increases in the cost of certain services. The Government had agreed to increase the salaries for civil servants and for this purpose an additional sum of $3.5 million was required. The Government also needed $2.5 million for the repayment of certain loans, and $1.5 million for extra expenditure on sea defences, the maintenance of roads and improvements to the aerodrome which were long overdue.

43. Provision had to made for this money in some manner during the year 1962. At Dr. Jagan's invitation, Mr. Kaldor, a well known economist of considerable experience who had served on the United Kingdom Tax Commission and had advised the Governments of India, Ceylon, Mexico and Ghana, was invited to consider the problem and suggest ways and means of raising additional revenue. The budget for 1962 was prepared upon the basis of his recommendations and on January 31st, 1962, this budget was presented to the Legislative Assembly by Dr. Jacob, Minister of Finance, who opened his speech by observing that the ground was "being laid to strengthen our economic position and raise living standards by accelerating the rate of economic growth through our own efforts". He pointed out that, though for a poor and underdeveloped country external aid was an absolute necessity, self help was even more important because foreign aid was no substitute for self determination. He drew attention to the fact that the prevailing tax structure was biased in favour of the richer and propertied classes, therefore Aan impartial system of progressive taxation which distributes the burden equitably between those who derive income from property and those who get their incomes from work is an urgent necessity". He, accordingly, proposed some new taxes, the burden of which was to fall on the higher income groups only. He proposed a capital gains tax, an annual tax on property and a tax on gifts. In addition to these, he proposed certain measures for preventing the evasion and avoidance of taxes. He also proposed a new mode of assessing the minimum measure of income tax in respect of commercial transactions. He proposed that the minimum income of a businessman should be deemed to be 2 per cent of his annual turnover irrespective of whether his business had shown a profit or a loss, but wherever there was a loss it was to be set off against profits in the subsequent years. It will be seen, at once, that this measure was aimed at dishonest businessmen who reported a loss year after year although their business continued to flourish. Another unusual provision in the Bill was a reduction of the advertising allowance to one quarter of one per cent of the total turnover. This was intended to prevent unnecessary waste on prestige advertising and the consequent reduction in the income tax payable. In order to increase the flow of resources for development purposes, a scheme of compulsory savings was also to be introduced. This scheme contemplated a deduction at source equivalent to a contribution of five per cent of wage and salary income in excess of $100 a month and 10 per cent of other income in lieu of Government bonds redeemable after a period of seven years. These measures were not calculated to yield the full additional amount of $15 million required and the balance had still to be raised. The Minister of Finance therefore proposed an increase in the import duty on certain goods which he considered were not necessities of life, e.g., alcoholic drinks, tobacco, concentrates for non alcoholic drinks, tea, motor spirit, perfumes, cosmetics, the more expensive dress fabrics, footwear, glassware, chinaware, jewellery, radios, refrigerators and motor cars. He also proposed some increases on certain types of food for which adequate substitutes were available in the country, e.g., meat, fish, butter, cheese, fruit, fruit juices, jams, etc There was also an increase in the excise duties on rum and other spirits, and on beer.

44. The Minister for Finance pointed out that these duties and taxes would not impose any hardship on the people of the lower income groups and that the increase in the urban consumer price index would be only one per cent. He hoped, in this manner, to increase the country's revenues by about $8 million. He also scaled down the figure of $15 million which in his original estimate was necessary to meet the increase in the recurrent expenditure.

Opposition to the Budget Proposals

45. The budget provoked fierce opposition from several quarters and was made the excuse for sustained and increasingly hostile demonstrations against Dr. Jagan and his Government. It will be seen that there was nothing deeply vicious or destructive of economic security in the budget. It had been drawn up on the advice of an experienced economist, who could not be said to have any Communist prepossessions. The budget won immediate approval from many persons. The New York Times said in an editorial that the budget was courageous and economically sound. The London Times in a leading article, observed AThe immediate problem for the Prime Minister, Dr. Jagan, is how to win some acceptance for his economic proposals which are courageous and certainly not far from what Guiana must have". Sir Jock Campbell, Chairman of Booker Bros., said "It clearly was in intention a serious attempt by the Government to get to grips with the formidable economic problems of the country by a hard programme of self help. It was radical" what have the people of British Guiana got to be conservative about" but not confiscatory". Senator Tasker of Bookers in British Guiana gave his own opinion about the budget by saying "We assessed it as a realistic attempt to grapple with the economic problems of British Guiana". But there was a section of the press in British Guiana itself, which was strongly, almost viciously, critical of the budget. The Daily Chronicle, which is under the effective control of Mr. D'Aguiar, leader of the U.F., and Argosy, which is also hostile to Dr. Jagan, opened their assault on the day following the introduction of the budget. The Chronicle said that the Government was going to squeeze dollars from the workers, and a few days later it carried a headline ATax Avalanche will Crush Working Classes". Another headline stated "Slave Whip Budget" and went on to say ABudget is "Marxist" . A vindictive and malicious spirit prowls through the Budget". A week after the introduction of the budget, The Chronicle printed a letter on the AIniquitous Budget" which contained the exhortation "Stir yourselves, down with this shameful budget, down with the Government". Two days later there was another letter proclaiming "Budget will bring misery to country" and ending "This is a trodden democracy. Let's unite and fight for our rights".

46. It is unnecessary to multiply quotations, and it will be sufficient to say that in the course of the days which followed the introduction of the budget in the Assembly, the volume of opposition in a section of the press continued to increase. What was the reason and basis of this opposition? If Dr. Jagan's budget was a realistic attempt to grapple with the economic problems of his country and if it was not confiscatory, there was really no reason for such strong hostility on the part of the press and the two political parties which were arrayed against Dr. Jagan. In our view, the reason is be sought in political rivalries and a feeling that Dr. Jagan had strong communist tendencies and that if he were left in power his Government would proceed to enact measures injurious to the proprietary rights of the upper classes and businessmen. Dr. Jagan had, with increasing vigour, dominated the political stage of British Guiana since his entry upon it in 1947. There was a certain glamour about him, emanating from his youthful exuberance and a zeal which is characteristic of dedicated men. He seemed to possess a sense of purpose and a determination to work for his countrymen's freedom and their material progress. The people voted for him and every time he stood for election, he and his party secured the largest number of seats in the Legislative Assembly. But with all his energy and his honesty of purpose he lacked the experience of a practical politician. He failed to understand that some at any rate of his supporters were not content to remain as mere adjuncts to him, they wanted the recognition of their own individual merits and longed for the fruition of political rewards. This, they must have felt, was well nigh impossible so long as they remained Dr. Jagan's satellites. In 1953 the constitution was suspended and all political parties were obliged to take a compulsory holiday. The Interim Government, however, could not continue for ever, and sooner or later a time would come when political parties would once more be called upon to play their respective parts. It was, therefore, important to make adequate provision for that eventuality. Dr. Jagan's politics and his line of conduct had brought the country's progress to an ignominious halt and yet the P.P.P. had undoubtedly a hold upon the people. The Robertson Commission had commented upon this aspect of British Guianese politics and said "the implications of communist influence in the present leadership of the party are not yet fully understood by the ordinary people in British Guiana, and although some of the more discerning may have withdrawn their support, it is the general belief that the P.P.P. could retain all the characteristics which make it incapable of intelligent government and yet still rely on securing a majority if elections were held in the near future on a similar franchise".

47. Some people undoubtedly thought that a less ruthless type of freedom and equality might be more desirable, or at any rate, more practicable.

48. Mr. Burnham left Dr. Jagan in 1955, as the result, he told us, of a crude interpretation of ideological differences Abetween him and Dr. Jagan and, as far as his party is concerned, since his separation from Dr. Jagan, signs of racial awareness have been observable, though happily so far this awareness has not developed into conscious or active hostility between the East Indians and the Africans. At the general election of 1957, the phrase Appan Jhaat meaning Asupport your own people was heard for the first time, and in November, 1960, a new party, the United Force, or U.F. as it is usually referred to, was inaugurated and Mr. D'Aguiar was chosen as its leader. The political differences between the U.F. and the P.P.P. have been stated by Mr. D'Aguiar and Senator Ann Jardim. The list of their grievances against the P.P.P. is little more than a narrative of personal frustration. The U.F. was not opposed to independence, although when the proposal for appointing a Constitution Committee was mooted in the Legislative Assembly, Mr. D'Aguiar and his party staged a dramatic walk out. The U.F. wanted a referendum to he held on the question of independence. They objected to the words AFreedom Year" being stamped on all letters sent through the Post Office and to 1962 being described as Freedom Year in many letters and documents issued from government offices. They also objected to the Attorney General's seemingly arrogant attitude in reference to the draft Constitution which he had been asked to draw up. He had, on one occasion, been credited with the statement that if people did not like his Constitution they could leave the country. What he had said, in fact, was somewhat different, and much less provocative. Then again Mr. Jack Kelshall, a resident of Trinidad, who had been engaged by Dr. Jagan as his private secretary, was a source of considerable irritation because he was an outsider and also because he appears to have behaved in a somewhat arrogant manner. Another basis of the opposition to Dr. Jagan s party was a fear, indeed a conviction, that Dr. Jagan was a Communist and that the entire ideology of his party was Communist. Dr. Jagan himself had not confessed to his political beliefs in unequivocal terms but Dr. Jacob, the Minister for Finance, had in the course of his speech in the Legislative Assembly on 9th October, 1961, expressed his own beliefs in a manner which clearly indicated that he not only believed in the Communist creed but had the same aims as the Communist Party. In the course of his speech he had said "My honourable friend, who is a member for Georgetown Central (Mr. D'Aguiar) has attempted on the floor of this House to refute Marxism. This is a futile attempt. Learned university professors, of course of the bourgeois tradition, professional mercenaries, politicians, common vilifiers, have all tried to refute the unassailable logic of Marxism. They have all failed". He ended his speech on what he must have considered a high and piercing note of rhetoric: AWe will attempt to build a new society "a society which exists in more than one third of the world today; a society in which there will be freedom and plenty for everybody. That is a genuine socialist society".

49. Thus, in the beginning of February, the P.N.C. and the U.F. were ready to launch a determined opposition to Dr. Jagan.

50. The political professions of the P.N.C. were somewhat vague and amorphous. There was a tendency to give a racial tinge to its policy. Mr. Burnham expressed the opinion that it was Dr. Jagan who was responsible for this unfortunate development. He referred to the murder of an African supporter of the P.N.C. at Port Mourant, which is the birth place of Dr. Jagan. He said that the report of this event was suppressed by the senior information officer at the request of the government. He also referred to other acts of violence against the supporters of the P.N.C., especially in the rural areas where, as we have already observed, the East Indian population was predominant. We do not, however, think that there is much substance in the contention of Mr. Burnham and it seems to that whatever racial differences existed were brought about by political propaganda. These differences do not go very deep and it is to be remarked that there are two** African Ministers in Dr. Jagan's Cabinet. The counsel of the P.P.P. at the inquiry was an African barrister and some of Dr. Jagan's strongest opposition in the proceedings before us came from East Indians. Mr. Luckhoo, the counsel for the Chamber of Commerce, Mr. Ramphal, the counsel for the Trade Unions and Mr. Jai Narine Singh, the counsel for the National Democratic Party, are all East Indians. One of the most vigorous opponents of Dr. Jagan is another East Indian, Mr. Sankar; the Trade Union leader. It may be argued tint politics do not enter into professional considerations when counsel undertake to appear for any party. We do not wish to imply that racial loyalties would prevent an East Indian from appearing for an African, or an African from taking up the case of an East Indian, but we are merely drawing attention to the circumstances mentioned above in order to show that there is no clear cut division between the races and that although, broadly speaking. Dr. Jagan's supporters are for the most part East Indians and the supporters of P.N.C. are drawn mostly from the African races, the difference is not really racial, but economic and vocational. As already pointed out, East Indians are for the most part agriculturalists and they are the supporters of Dr. Jagan. In the towns the percentage of African residents is greater than the percentage of East Indians. The town dwellers support the P.N.C. not because their leader is an African, but because they do not approve of some of the socialistic policies of Dr. Jagan which are less favourable to town dwellers than to the rural population. These policies, in their turn, are dictated, not by the fact of racialism, but because in British Guiana agriculture is of primary importance and development plans tend to promote agriculture in a larger measure than industrial schemes. [** Editor's Note: This is incorrect. There were three African Ministers.]

51. The real motive force behind Mr. Burnham's assault was a desire to assert himself in public life and establish a more important and more rewarding position for himself by bringing about Dr. Jagan's downfall. The weapon be employed was the argument that the budget contained measures calculated to inflict hardship upon the working classes by increasing the cost of living. So, the argument continued, if Dr. Jagan's Government was allowed to continue in office, further and still more oppressive measures would certainly be enacted. The attitude of the U.F. was a little more honest and certainly more consistent. This party represented the businessmen and the middle classes, and these were, no doubt, adversely affected by the new taxes on capital gains, gifts and property holdings. The U.F. genuinely feared a further decline in their vested interests if Dr. Jagan's Government continued to remain in charge of the country's affairs. They naturally resented the socialistic, if not communistic, leanings of Dr. Jagan. The Daily Chronicle supported this campaign of criticising the budget and discrediting Dr. Jagan, and developed an increasingly hostile attack upon the Government. Mr. D'Aguiar, in the course of his statement before us, protested that he never interfered with the editorial policy of the newspaper; but the fact remains that his share holding enabled him to exercise effective control over the paper and the editor's transparent loyalty to his employer and principal compelled the latter to criticise the editor far not criticising him (Mr. D'Aguiar) enough. This reprimand was, no doubt, administered in order to remind his employee that he must at least give a semblance of being independent and not carry his argument so far into the realms of absurdity as to invite the imputation of being a mere supine hireling. Mr. D'Aguiar based his attack on arguments similar to those advanced by the P.N.C. and proclaimed that the budget was an oppressive measure and the clearest proof of Dr. Jagan's Marxist ideology and his dictatorial methods. The contradiction implicit in a measure being both Communist in substance and oppressive of the workers was not a matter which troubled Dr. Jagan's opponent, for political slogans are not infrequently lacking in logic and the multitude to whom they are addressed does not possess the faculty of discerning an incongruity or fallacy in what their leaders expound before them.

52. A passing reference may here be made to a matter which is dealt with more fully in a subsequent part of this report. The P.N.C. challenged the election of several P.P.P. candidates on grounds which are available under The Legislature (Appointment, Election and Membership Controversies) Ordinance, 1961. One of these petitions succeeded and the P.P.P. member for Houston was unseated. A by election to fill the resulting vacancy has, however, not been held and the Premier has been exploring ways and means of validating the election of the P.P.P. candidate and thus circumventing the order of the court whereby he was unseated. This infelicitous handling of a delicate situation was an open invitation to criticism of a vituperative type.

CHAPTER III

ECONOMIC DISCONTENT

53. A brief reference has already been made to the rising cost of living and the inadequacy of the country's resources to finance development plans aimed at increasing the material wealth of the people and providing better amenities for them. A more detailed examination of this matter is now necessary as economic discontent played an important part in fermenting the agitation which led to the disturbances of February 16th, in Georgetown.

Civil Servants

54. Let us first take the case of the Civil Servants, who in British Guiana are members of a well organised body called the British Guiana Civil Service Association, affiliated to the Trades Union Council. The last revision of their salaries took place in 1954 on the recommendation of the Hands Jakeway Commission. In the course of the next three years the cost of living index rose from 277 to 300 and the British Guiana Civil Service Association (B.G.C.S.A.) asked for an increase in salaries. The Government appointed a Commission presided over by Mr. Gorsuch to enquire into the matter, but owing to a difference of opinion between the B.G.C.S.A. and the Government, the B.G.C.S.A. declined to take part in the proceedings of the Commission and rejected its recommendations. The Government, for their part, did not think it fit to implement the report and matters remained as they were for another four years. In 1961 another body, known as the Guillebaud Commission, was appointed to review "wages, salaries and conditions of service in the Public Service of British Guiana." This Commission found that there was considerable substance in the grievances of the Civil Servants and observed:

"The cost of living has increased since 1954 by something of the order of 10 per cent; there have been increases in wages and salaries in commercial and other forms of employment in the country; and the remuneration of those in the Public Service in other parts of the Caribbean has risen in many cases. . . .

"There can be no question as to the strength of the feeling of dissatisfaction which prevails throughout the Public Service in this country. We have heard much evidence on these matters not only from Staff Associations, but also from the Heads of Departments, whom we have personally and separately interviewed. As a result of this we have reached the conclusion that during the last two years there has been a widespread decline in the morale of the Service, particularly in its lower and middle sections. Much time is being wasted in the discussion and ventilation of grievances, and the efficiency of the Service as a whole is becoming impaired."

55. The Commission made a number of recommendations involving a total increase of $2.5 million in the expenditure upon salaries and wages of Civil Servants. The report was submitted to the Government on July 29th, 1961, and was published in September the same year. The B.G.C.S.A generally accepted the recommendations. There was, however, considerable delay in implementing the suggestions regarding the increases of salaries and the final decision of the Government was postponed more than once. In the meantime the Civil Service continued to agitate for the suggested increases. In November, representatives of the B.G.C.S.A. met the Minister for Finance. A few days later a report appeared in the newspapers that according to a spokesman of the Government the Treasury was empty, and this naturally caused consternation among the Civil Servants. The Association decided to hold what it called "whistle stop meetings" at various places. Prolonged negotiations and a period of attrition followed, but the Civil Servants were unable to obtain anything beyond promises from the Government. In December, Mr. Benn, who was acting as Premier during Dr. Jagan's temporary absence, promised earnest consideration of the Civil Servants' demands, but said that lack of funds was a handicap. On December 12th, the Association held a meeting which was attended by a large number of its members, and on the following day the Government announced increases in salaries with effect from 1st January, 1961. There was. however, no indication of when payment would be made and a request for interim payment was not accepted. On December 18th a general meeting was held in the Town Hall of Georgetown and those present insisted on interim payment; they even criticised Mr. Stoll, the President of the Association, for being ineffective. Mr. Stoll promptly tendered his resignation. This, however, was not accepted and he was requested to carry on negotiations on behalf of the Association. On December 21st, another deputation met the Minister of Finance. The Minister said that no interim payment was possible. Another meeting of the Association took place immediately afterwards at which it was abundantly clear that tempers were getting more and more frayed. On one occasion Mr. Stoll told Mr. Benn, the acting Premier, that the situation was very tense. He referred to the possibility of a strike and admitted that the Government was no doubt in a position to defeat the Association, but in any event a great deal of damage to both parties would result from a clash of this nature.

56. On January 2nd, 1962. there was another meeting between the Finance Minister and the representatives of the Staff Associations at which the Government conceded the salary increases recommended by the Guillebaud Commission. but at the same time made a great number of changes in its detailed recommendations which largely neutralised the good effect of its tardy decision. Even on this occasion the question of salaries was not finally disposed of. Further meetings followed but the Association failed to obtain satisfaction in respect of any of its major demands. So, at the beginning of February, the Civil Servants were in a very sullen mood. They had often thought of holding public demonstrations and even of going on strike. The Government was probably doing the best in the circumstances, but handicapped as it was by lack of funds and its incapacity to make quick and far reaching decisions, it was unable to give adequate satisfaction to its Civil Service. It is important to note that there was a very considerable measure of deep discontent, amounting almost to a sense of resentment among the Civil Servants, and in the beginning of February they were ready to take drastic steps in order to ventilate their grievances and have them redressed.

Other Government Servants

57. The lower paid Government servants had unions of their own. There were in all five separate bodies

(i) the Post Office Workers' Union (P.O.W.U.)

(ii) Medical Employees' Union (M.E.U.)

(iii) the Transport Workers' Union (T.W.U.)

(iv) the Public Works, Pure Water Supply and Sea Defence Workers' Union (P.W.S.S.D.W.U.)

(v) the Government Employees' Union (G.E.U.)

These five unions comprised a Federation of the Unions of Government Employees (F.U.G.E.). Mr. Jackson was the President of this Federation and also of the P.O.W.U. The case of these employees was almost exactly similar to the case of the Civil Servants considered above.

Their fortunes had passed through the same vicissitudes as the fortunes of the better paid Civil Servants. The findings of the Hands Jakeway Commission had been applicable to them; they, too, had declined to co operate with the Gorsuch Commission; a strike by them in 1959 had persuaded the Government to offer a slight increase in their salaries, but this was not considered adequate. Ever since 1954 the minimum day wage of a Government employee had remained stationary at the figure of $2.52, though the cost of living had increased by about 10 per cent. In 1959, the Government proposed a revised figure of $2.75 which would have fully counter-balanced the rise in prices, but the workers wanted to improve their standard of living and insisted on a minimum wage of $4.50, to which the Government was not agreeable. The F.U.G.E., however, accepted the Government's offer for the time being and signed an Agreement in December, 1959. In this Agreement it was provided that the dispute regarding wages would be referred to the Whitley Council, a body which resolved trade disputes and differences between the Government and its employees. The Whitley Council gave its award in November, 1960, recommending a minimum wage of $3.04.

58. The Government accepted the recommendation and agreed to pay $3.04 with effect from November 29th, 1960, the date of the Whitley award. But the Federation was not satisfied with this and, taking their stand on the argument that their claim had arisen on the date mentioned in the Agreement signed in December, 1959, wanted the higher wage to become effective from April 1st, 1959. This dispute relating to the award of the Whitley Council taking effect retrospectively could not be resolved, and it remained a source of discontent and resentment. In September, 1961, came the report of the Guillebaud Commission and the Federation wanted the points of difference between the Government and its employees arising out of this report also to be referred to the Whitley Council. Negotiations continued till the end of January, 1962, without bearing any fruit, and on 31st January F.U.G.E. repeated its demands in a letter addressed to the Secretary to the Treasury. After some correspondence, the Minister for Finance agreed to meet the representatives of the Federation on 12th February, on which date he was also meeting the representatives of the Civil Service Association.

59. Therefore, at the beginning of February almost the entire body of Government employees, including the lower as well as the higher paid officials, were in a state of extreme discontent amounting almost to bitter resentment against the Government.

Trade Employees and Factory Workers

60. In addition to the Government servants there was a vast body of trade employees and factory workers whose feelings and activities greatly contributed to the disturbances of 16th February. In their case there appears to have been no old standing, definite and clearcut grievance against Dr. Jagan's Government and their hostility began with, and was founded upon, certain provisions of the budget which directly affected the working classes. In the beginning their criticism was confined to the scheme for compulsory savings and the additional taxes on consumer goods, though, later, income tax allowances and the reduction of advertising expenses were also taken up as objectionable items in the budget.

61. A word may now be said about the nature and implications of the savings scheme. The idea was not altogether novel and had already beet exploited in certain Latin American countries. e.g., Brazil and also in Ghana. The proposal was to the effect that every wage earner whose salary exceeded $100 per month would be required to make a contribution of 5 per cent of his income and this amount would be credited to his account and he would be given bonds of an equal value. The bonds would carry tax free interest at the rate of 3¾ per cent per annum and would be encashable at the end of seven years, except in certain special eases such as the death of the contributor, when the bonds could be cashed earlier. This scheme was interpreted as a wholly unjustified incursion into personal property and individual liberty. The fact that, except in rare cases, the bonds could not be cashed till the expiry of seven years, savoured of an expropriatory measure and it was said that only slaves could be compelled to save their earnings in this manner. There were not wanting malicious critics of the Government who suggested that the bonds would ultimately be confiscated.

62. With regard to the taxes on consumer goods, no one paused to think that they entailed an increase of only 1 per cent in the cost of living, because in actual fact the situation was aggravated when most shopkeepers promptly raised the prices not only of those goods upon which the import duty had been increased, but also of other goods which had not come within the purview of the budget. Moreover, the increases were in almost every instance more than the actual increase in the import duty. The all round higher prices were naturally ascribed to the radical provisions of the budget.

63. Increased taxes at all times and in all places bring about a stiffening of attitudes towards the Government, and Dr. Jagan and his Council of Ministers must have expected some adverse comment and even a certain measure of opposition. But the active hostility and the virulent propaganda which the budget provoked cannot be attributed entirely to an objective consideration of the new tax proposals or to their effect upon the economic life of the working classes. There is very little doubt that, despite the loud protestations of the trade union leaders to the contrary, political affinities and aspirations played a large part in shaping their policy and formulating their programme of offering resistance to the budget and making a determined effort to change the government in office.

64. It has been proved beyond all doubt that the three most important trade unionists, Mr. Ishmael, Mr. Jackson and Mr. Sankar, were deeply involved in politics. Indeed, when Mr. Sankar, Assistant General Secretary of the Man Power Citizens Association (M.P.C.A.) was questioned upon the point, he could not deny the close connection between politics and the trade union movement. He was asked if there was good relationship between the M.P.C.A. and the P.P.P. His reply was "The M.P.C.A. tried to be realistic in its approach to the government of the day. The P.P.P. has gone out of its way to be critical and destroy the union". A little later when he was asked if there was any introduction of politics in a meeting of the T.U.C., the witness admitted "Well, it is unavoidable, because on the General Council we have all three of the main political parties represented. We have Mr. Burnham from the P.N.C.; we have from the P.P.P. Mr. Chase, President of the Senate, and Mr. George Henry; and from the U.F. the two defeated candidates, Mr. Bolton and Mr. Critchlow". Mr. Sankar, in the course of his examination, expressed his strong sense of resentment at what he said was an attempt of the P.P.P. to influence the trade unions. It is significant that the Saw mill and Forest Workers Union did not join the strike. The fact that the President of this Union is Mr. Henry, who stood as a P.P.P. candidate at the last election, can scarcely be a mere coincidence. The question of Mr. Henry s election will be dealt with more fully in a later part of this report, and here it is sufficient to recall that Mr. Henry was declared successful, but his election was set aside by an order of a Judge of the High Court who found upon an election petition that the election was attended with certain irregularities.

65. Mr. Jackson, the President of the F.U.G.E., used to be, as he admitted, "close to the P.P.P. He later joined the P.N.C. and became its Secretary. He resigned the Secretaryship, but his political loyalty no doubt continues, because throughout his evidence a strong anti P.P.P. slant was noticeable. Mr. Ishmael, the President of the B.G.T.U.C. and General President of the M.P.C.A., vehemently denied any association with politics. There is, however, no doubt at all that his conduct during the period of the disturbances was actuated by a strong feeling of animosity towards the Premier and Mr. Hubbard, a Minister of Dr. Jagan s Cabinet. His dislike of Mr. Hubbard was manifested by an incident relating to the strike of the Electric Power House workers. Mr. Hubbard, who was the Minister in charge, had issued a circular to the workers telling them that they were members of an essential service and therefore it was illegal for them to strike, He made an oblique reference to Mr. Ishmael, who, however, was not named in the circular. But Mr. Ishmael was greatly piqued at the somewhat derogatory suggestion that no election of a certain trade union had been held because the President would not have been able to get a majority of votes. The words used were: "Further the M.P.C.A is unable to secure a strike of sugar workers, which constitute the bulk of its membership, and indeed its President is not able to face an election in his union". Mr. Ishmael explained that the President referred to was himself. At the Electric Power House, Mr. Hubbard tried to get the workmen to continue their work. This was a perfectly legitimate thing to do, but it seemed to have incensed Mr. Ishmael, who spoke of it in the following terms in the course of his examination:

"Mr. Hubbard was called or was informed and came up and sneaked behind me and attempted to get the workers to change their minds about not working and not going on strike. And he didn't only do that; I was very shocked when I came outside with the last one behind me to find that he had taken some of the men standing outside into the plant. Not only was he trying to tell them to work but he was saying all kinds of things. He called me a capitalist stooge. He said I was bought over by D'Aguiar and bought over by the big businesses and he told the workers to get me off the premises."

This statement shows the extent of acrimonious hostility which entered Mr. Ishmael's thoughts and actions in his dealings with the members of the Government. He could not deny that there were several prominent union leaders who are politicians. He mentioned the names of Chase, Agard, Burnham, Bolton, Henry and Kirton. Nothing illustrates more clearly the close collaboration between the trade unions and the political leaders during the disturbances than the agreement about a meeting which took place on the Parade Ground on the evening of February 14th. The trade unions had obtained a police permit to hold a meeting between the hours of 6 and 10 p.m. The P.N.C. applied for a similar permit, but were informed that a permit had already been issued to the T.U.C. Thereafter, the two bodies agreed to divide the time so that the meeting of the trade unions was from 6 to 8 p.m., and of the P.N.C. from 8 to 10 p.m. Both these meetings were aimed at securing the support of the masses for the anti Jagan agitation. Mr. Ishmael himself made the announcement at the T.U.C. meeting that a P.N.C. meeting would follow. When questioned about this point, he said "Yes, I did [say] at the very commencement that our meeting was going to be short and the P.N.C. would be taking over the meeting. They were not to take it to mean that there was any affiliation or collaboration between the P.N.C. and the T.U.C. I mentioned that it was just a question that they had applied for permission and had been refused, that we had had permission for a long period of time and we did not need all the time, so we intended to give it to them".

66. It is needless to comment on the strain upon one's credulity exercised by Mr. Ishmael's statements. Mr. Ishmael used to be a member of the P.P.P. until 1950 and stood for the Legislative Assembly as an independent candidate in 1953. In 961 he again offered himself as an independent candidate but withdrew before the election was held. He took part in two discussions at the headquarters of the U.F. in order to consolidate the elements opposing the Government and bring about a single Opposition Party in the country. On the morning of Black Friday (February 16th) he held discussions with Messrs. Chase, Vernon, Henry, etc., who are prominent politicians. Mr. Burnham himself is not free from a sense of loyalty to the T.U.C. Indeed, he was one of the delegates at the T.U.C. meeting. These facts make nonsense of the reiterated protests of the trade union leaders that they were at all times anxious to keep their organisation completely free from all political influences. We have drawn attention to these circumstances in order to point out the extent to which the economic discontent of the country was influenced and helped by personal and private grievances. This phenomenon. we may at once concede, is not a peculiarity of British Guianese public life and is to be observed in all parts of the world and among all peoples.

67. We therefore see that in the beginning of February there were arrayed against the Government the political parties in opposition and also a very large body of the workers and civil servants, all carrying their respective grievances against the Government. It was not long before these forces combined to form a veritable torrent of abuse, recrimination and vicious hostility directed against Dr. Jagan and his Government, and each day gave fresh vigour to the agitation.

CHAPTER IV

THE DISTURBANCES

68. At the beginning of the second week of February, there were signs of a gathering storm. There arose in certain quarters an apprehension that something untoward might follow, if not directly result, from the mounting agitation engineered by the political leaders of the opposition parties. From February 9, onward, the intensity and the frequency of anti Government demonstrations increased and it becomes necessary from this stage to give a more detailed narrative of the events which culminated in the fierce outburst of February 16, a day which came popularly to be known as Black Friday.

69. On February 9, the Government was expected to make a statement relating to the appointment of a Committee to consider the draft Constitution for British Guiana. Long before the Assembly Session was due to begin a crowd had begun to gather in front of the Public Buildings as the Assembly Chamber is called. Assistant Commissioner of Police De Abreu saw a crowd of about 400 seeking admission to the chamber. The public gallery could accommodate no more than 118 and De Abreu had to close the door against the rest who remained standing outside, disappointed and obviously discontented. Inside the chamber the proceedings commenced with the Minister of Finance making a statement that "in order that the Government may give careful consideration to all of the representations received, it is proposed to deter consideration of the Second Reading of the Appropriation Bill to a date to be announced. Discussions will be held immediately with all persons and organisations so that the Budget may be debated in the House without undue delay". So the debate scheduled to take place on February 12 was postponed to an unspecified date. The government hoped that this act of procrastination would, in some measure at least, allay the fears of the Opposition and placate the agitators.

70. The Premier then proceeded to move a resolution having reference to the forthcoming Constitutional Conference, due then to be held in London in May, for the purpose of fixing a date for the inauguration of independence in British Guiana. He pointed out that as suggested in a despatch by the Secretary of State for the Colonies "the Conference should be an all party Conference", so he (the Premier) proposed a Committee of 16 members of whom eight would be drawn from the P.P.P., six from the P.N.C. and two from the U.F. In addition to these 16, the Speaker of the House would act as chairman of the Committee and this Committee would consider and report on a draft Constitution for the country, which was to be prepared in the first instance by the Attorney General, after taking into consideration representations and suggestions made by the proposed Committee and by members of the public. The Premier's proposal provoked a resolute indeed a defiant opposition from Mr. Burnham, leader of the P.N.C., and after delivering a long speech in the course of which he attacked the Premier and challenged his claim to speak for the people of British Guiana, Mr. Burnham walked out of the chamber, taking with him the remaining nine members of his party. At the same time almost all occupants in the public gallery also left the chamber. The simultaneous emptying of the seats occupied by a major section of the opposition and the public must have given the appearance of a pro planned and somewhat histrionic demonstration designed to shock and humiliate the government. This impression was further strengthened when Mr. D'Aguiar, the leader of the U.F., went through an exactly similar performance by giving a speech opposing the Premier's resolution and walking out with his followers. This reduced the proceedings in the Chamber to the farce of a unilateral debate solely conducted by the party in power. But to preserve an air of dignity and overcome the sense of mortification induced by the dramatic walk out, the Attorney General who was to speak next rose to his feet and delivered a speech supporting the motion.

71. The Premier then stood up to reply to the debate but before dealing with the motion he read out a statement couched in solemn terms. The statement was a brief one and, as it adumbrated to some extent the unfortunate events which were enacted in the course of the week, it is set out below in full:

"It has come to the knowledge of the Government that violence is actually being planned on a general scale by certain elements acting for a minority group. In addition, it is understood that attempts against the Premier's life and the lives of certain of his Ministers and supporters are contemplated.

These acts of violence are intended to secure the overthrow of the legally elected Government by force and the tax proposals in the budget are being used as a screen for the general plan.

These plotters intend to call a general strike for Monday, February 12. Since there is no likelihood of this strike call being widely supported by the workers, certain elements of the business community plan to shut down their business houses. The intention is in effect to stage a general lock out on the excuse that the strike has created conditions which prevent continued business operations.

Every step possible is being taken to bring the Civil Service in on this strike and if these designs are successful, the total result will be to cause widespread dislocation of the Colony's economy.

Such a course of action will be very likely to end in riot and violence. The people who plan this operation must be aware of this. It seems that they are seeking to cause turmoil and unrest in order to halt our march to Independence and economic well being for all.

This small clique is determined to preserve their positions of privilege. They want to create another Congo here. They talk about freedom and democracy, but are determined to use unconstitutional means to achieve these ends. They feel that they can depend on foreign support.

In the circumstances the Government intends to take energetic steps to forestall this plan and I am now appealing to all reasonable public minded citizens not to allow themselves to be persuaded or fooled into taking part in what can only be a disastrous and futile effort on the part of a small misguided and selfish element in the community to turn back the clock of history."

72. The Premier then reverted to the motion before the House and declared that in view of the non co operative attitude displayed by the opposition, he craved leave of the House to withdraw the motion. This was agreed to, and the House adjourned to an unspecified date to he determined later.

73. Outside the Chamber a large crowd had collected and was waiting for the moment when the Ministers would leave for home. The demonstrators were carrying banners and slogans and as the Ministers came out they were jeered. When the Premier emerged from the Chamber the crowd became even more vociferous and impeded his departure. The Police came to his assistance by forcing a way through the crowd and bringing up an emergency vehicle to act as a shield against the onslaught of the hostile demonstrators. One of them a Dr. Reid pushed a banner in front of the windscreen of the Premier's motor car, obscuring the driver's view. It was after an uncomfortable moment or two that the Premier was finally able to leave. Assistant Commissioner of Police De Abreu estimated the size of the crowd at 5,000. Mr. D'Aguiar was with the crowd.

Opposition Manoeuvres People's National Congress

74. At This stage it is convenient to discuss the policies and immediate objectives of the two major political parties in Opposition, viz., the People's National Congress and the United Force. The energies of these parties were aimed at forcing Dr. Jagan into a position which would be wholly untenable and from which he would be compelled to resign. Mr. Burnham, while giving evidence before us, said "our tactics were to remain silent, make no public reference until the second reading on the 12th February, then we would make known our standing. It would then be a matter of prestige. They would be unable to withdraw the budget. Then Dr. Jagan would be embarrassed, his unpopularity would increase", and he would have no choice but to resign.

75. When on February 9, the Finance Minister announced the postponement of the budget date, these plans had to be revised and a public meeting for the 12th was fixed. Mr. Burnham spoke at this meeting. He began on a note of self pity by making an appeal for money on behalf of his party, which he said was the poor man's party with no fairy godmother or rich uncles. He went on to explain the party's stand on the question of independence and declared that the P.N.C. wanted independence immediately, and there was no question of a referendum, for it was superfluous to ask the people if they wanted to be free. He then turned his attention to Dr. Jagan and the latter's reported intention to bring his farmer supporters to Georgetown in order to provoke an outbreak of violence, so that he could justifiably call in British troops to help him. Mr. Burnham next dealt with the harsh tax measures introduced by the budget and ended his speech by working on the emotions of his audience in the manner of Mark Antony. "Comrades," he exclaimed, "the fight starts now. Tomorrow at 2 o'clock in the afternoon there is a demonstration organised by the Trade Union Congress, a demonstration against the harsh proposals of the budget, which make life unbearable. No doubt the Riot Squad will be there. Do you still want to go? . . . Comrades, remember that tomorrow Jagan's army is coming down from Cane Grove and Windsor Forest. Do you still want to go? . . . Comrades, I will be seeing you tomorrow at 2 p.m., when we will all join the demonstration. Thank you and goodnight." The next day there was a mass demonstration organised by the workers and trade unions. A procession was taken through the streets of Georgetown ending at the old parade ground where a meeting was held. Mr. Burnham arrived somewhat late at this meeting because he had been detained by professional work. On the morning of the 14th the Government issued a proclamation declaring the Public Buildings and the area around it a proclaimed area, in which public processions and meetings were forbidden. The political opponents of Dr. Jagan decided to contravene the proclamation and on the morning of the 15th a large procession was taken through the proclaimed area. This was considered a great triumph and on the evening of the 15th another meeting was held. This meeting, as already observed, was the result of collaboration between the political parties and the Trades Union Council. The Trades Union Council had agreed to give some of their own time to the political parties and in lieu of this concession, the political parties had made available to the Trades Union Council their public address system because their apparatus was somewhat defective. At this meeting Mr. Burnham spoke. He began by congratulating his listeners on the splendid performance of the morning when there had been a wholesale breach of the proclamation. Exhilarated and carried forward by the flow of his rhetoric, be criticised the unsympathetic attitude of the Volunteer Force and of the police. In his peroration he declared that a government could not be got rid of by merely saying "Resign" or "Down with Jagan". "Those are useful and helpful slogans, but much more than slogans are required in the present circumstances. Comrades, first of all, let me say this, that the People's National Congress sees the way clearly, step by step and phase by phase. All I can tell you is this, that it is no sense taking part in this explosion which has happened at this moment if you are going to peter out or turn back half way. You have to see it through . . . . I believe that the P.N.C. knows what we all want and knows how we will seek to achieve what we all want; but one thing I know you do not want, one thing I know the P.N.C. will not countenance, and that is violence. Comrades, violence we shall never start because we are a peaceful people. If there is to be violence, let others start it, not the People's National Congress; but comrades, they shall not pass." After this, Mr. Burnham advised his audience to take a rest on the following day, but be had by now worked them up into such a state of frenzy that they declared their firm determination to continue the agitation in the morning. There was an ominous foreboding in the promise which Mr. Burnham made in reply to the reaction of the audience to his exhortation for rest.

"I have heard what you have had to say, and I have noted very carefully what you prefer and want, and therefore, Comrades, you will be informed what exercises may be necessary tomorrow. Comrades, you will be informed. I do not want to make any suggestions here tonight what that exercise should be. You will be informed through the usual channel which has proved effective in spite of the fact that our comrades, the Post Office workers, are on strike, and tomorrow we shall meet again some place, somewhere, somehow."

Opposition Manoeuvres United Force

76. The policy of the U.F. was clear and categoric. Mr. D'Aguiar was espousing the cause of businessmen and the upper middle class. He himself had an important stake in the country and his politics were therefore not quite free from personal motives. He told us that in 1953 he offered himself as an independent candidate for the Legislative Assembly. He was defeated and chose not to stand at the next election of 1957, because (he said) a racial element had entered the elections. In 1961 he stood and was elected as the Member for Georgetown Central. He told us that he re entered politics because he thought it necessary to reveal to the people the dangers of Communism. He described his own function as leader of one of the Opposition parties, to "oppose, expose and depose the government". This objective he pursued with the most vigorous consistency. After staging the dramatic walk out from the Assembly on February 9. he addressed a public meeting in the course of which he said "there is only one thing to show your mettle, buck up and kick off the braces, unite and fight to break this bare foot. bare back, bare faced budget. It is breaking already. . . . let them resign, they are, shaken by your solidarity. Do not fall back now, press on, break this budget, destroy it". He seized every opportunity of attacking Dr. Jagan's government and inciting the crowds during the week of disturbances. On the 10th and 11th February he went into the country on a speaking campaign. From Monday onwards he was in considerable prominence. He led several processions, and gave a number of speeches. Before us he posed as one of those individuals who, as Shakespeare says, have greatness thrust upon them, for he was at pains to emphasize that it was not he who led the crowd, but the crowd who wanted to be led by him. On Monday, the 12th, when he came out he saw that a large number of workers were forming small groups in the streets, instead of attending to their business. He addressed them and congratulated them. He advised them to go home, but they said that they wanted to march. So Mr. D'Aguiar led them in a procession through the streets of Georgetown, passing deliberately in front of Mr. Kelshall's house and then past the Premier s house (the Premier and Mr. Kelshall had become the two main objects of odium to the Opposition), ending at the Parade Ground where speeches were made. The supporters of Mr. D'Aguiar had taken the precaution of fitting a public address system at the Parade Ground. Here someone from the crowd shouted "Radio Moscow". This was rightly interpreted to mean "Radio Demerara" against which frequent complaints appear to have been made on account of Dr. Jagan's Marxist views having been propagated through its machinery. Mr. D'Aguiar accepted the invitation of the crowd and led the procession to "Radio Demerara" because, as he said, he wanted "to protest against the attitude of the Government in not allowing other political parties to use the Radio Station to express their views in connection with the Budget". According to law, a police permit for holding a procession in a public place was necessary and, as this had not been done, Superintendent of Police Barrow stopped the procession and pointed out that the law was being contravened Mr. D'Aguiar replied with the specious argument that since the procession was spontaneous, no illegality [was] attached to it. He continued on his way and the police, anxious at that stage to avoid a clash, offered no further obstruction and Superintendent Barrow decided not to provoke an excited crowd by arresting Mr. D'Aguiar on the spot, but to take action against him by mean of a summons, to be issued later on. The procession was brought back to Mr. D'Aguiar's premises, where he addressed them again. On the next day both Mr. D'Aguiar and Anne Jardim, another U.F. leader and a member of the Senate, went to the T.U.C. meeting at the Parade Ground after the token strike and mass demonstration. Mr. D'Aguiar gave a speech at another meeting when he called upon the Government to resign. On Wednesday. February 14th, Mr. D'Aguiar told his supporters that there would be a surprise in store for them and that they should be available in the afternoon. Mr. D'Aguiar, who had a special predilection for the spectacular and the flamboyant, had arranged a parade of his trucks bearing slogans through the streets of Georgetown. The parade did take place and we have no doubt that the population of Georgetown was duly impressed. The proclamations issued by the Government prohibiting public meetings and processions in the area around the Public Buildings had exasperated both the Opposition parties and they looked upon it as an extremely provocative move. Mr. D'Aguiar had not, like Mr. Burnham, made a decision to contravene the proclamation. He had to give a broadcast that afternoon and when he drove into the town he saw a large crowd and people asked him to join the procession which Mr. Burnham was leading into the proclaimed area. Mr. D'Aguiar was, as he says, "propelled" forward to join Mr. Burnham, and the two leaders, followed by a large crowd, made three circuits of the Public Building The procession ended at the headquarters of the P.N.C. where the two leaders shook hands ostentatiously and in full view of the crowd of their supporters, and were photographed doing so. In his broadcast speech that evening, Mr. D'Aguiar said "If any budget has to be substantially changed because pressure has been brought by the people who are being taxed, then it amounts to a vote of no confidence. The Government must stand or fall by its budget. In a democratic country, in such circumstances, the normal procedure would be for the Government to withdraw their budget and resign".

77. Mr. D'Aguiar was no doubt referring to a broadcast by the Premier on Wednesday evening when he announced some modifications of the budget. The view taken by Mr. D'Aguiar was that it was not enough to make any modifications in the budget and the only course open to the Premier was to resign. He intended to use every means of bringing down the government. On the morning of Friday the 16th, he went to time Parade Ground and, seeing a crowd, had his mobile equipment for public address set up. Speeches were given by various persons and Mr. D'Aguiar himself spoke. He then went back to his office where he was told that tear gas was being used in front of the electric power station. He hurried to the power station, and there he heard that two young children had been seriously injured by tear gas fumes and taken to hospital. A crowd was standing in front of the Power Station which at that moment was being protected by a police riot squad. Mr. D'Aguiar walked through the riot squad paying no heed to the impediment we were shown a photograph of him passing under the extended arm of a policeman. A number of persons followed him. He went to his own premises and addressed the crowd which had collected in front of his premises. Mr. D'Aguiar told us that someone passed up a note to him which said that one of the two children who had been affected by the tear gas had died in the hospital. He did not wish to incite the crowd unduly and so instead of reading the note out to them he said that the message which he had received was to the effect that one of the children was seriously ill. He advised the crowd to remain non violent because violence led to innocent people being hurt, as the small child had been. A number of witnesses appearing before us stated that what Mr. D'Aguiar told the crowd was that the child had, in fact, died. We are inclined to take the view that Mr. D'Aguiar did not exercise any restraint upon himself and that he, in fact, announced the death of the child to the crowd and not its mere illness. We are constrained to observe that his being wedded to truth did not impose so stern a cloisteral isolation upon him as not to permit an occasional illicit sortie, in order to taste the seductive and politically rewarding adventure of flirting with half truths. We found more than one instance of this lack of ingeniousness on his part and when he was being examined by Mr. Potter, he confessed to no less than eight occasions when the crowd compelled him to take the initiative. It is scarcely possible to believe that a leader of an opposition party, whose creed is to oppose. expose and depose the Government should be no more than a passive, if not an almost reluctant, leader of processions and initiator of political moves. Mr. D'Aguiar admitted before us that whenever an opportunity offered itself he took advantage of it in order to further his projects. The information given to him in the note regarding the death of the child must have placed far too great a strain on his perfectly natural urge as a political leader to make him suppress the information.

78. We thus see that both the political parities in opposition followed a course which was calculated to excite the mobs which were wandering about the streets of Georgetown with little to do except look for mischief. Nothing is so well calculated to drive a mob to acts of violence as a state of prolonged boredom and the continued exhortation of leaders, even though they make a pretence of pointing out the extreme desirability of everyone remaining peaceful and non violent.

79. Something must also be said about the part taken by the members of the Georgetown Chamber of Commerce. The Chamber was incorporated under an ordinance and one of aims is to "promote or seek to promote, or to oppose, legislative matters and other matters relating to trade, industry and commerce". It was natural to expect that the members of the Chamber who constitute what may be called the "big business" of Georgetown, were agitated by certain provisions of the budget which affected them adversely. On February 6 they called a meeting and passed the following resolution:

"This Chamber, in general meeting assembled, condemns many of the most significant items of the budget which are penal in their incidence, and considered to be not in the best interest of the country as a whole, and it is also resolved that a Select Committee be appointed to thoroughly investigate the impact of such sections on trade, industry and commerce generally, and to report back to the Chamber what action should be taken."

In the meantime it was bruited abroad that the busine